the intersectional working class

The working class is disproportionately female.

The working class is disproportionately nonwhite.

The working class is disproportionately immigrant.

Trump does not own the working class.

We do.

There has been a growing dialogue of the “white working class.”  I do not think this dialogue has been entirely harmful, in fact in some cases it has been a helpful pushback against neoliberalism — this rhetoric happens, firstly, because the USA is still approximately two-thirds white.  Models of intersectionality that are subconsciously anti-white and all the corresponding analogues (anti-rural, anti-straight, anti-man, anti-Christian), rather than simply being pro-oppressed (and yes we have to acknowledge that is what a lot of them have overcompensated into becoming, despite the explosions of overreaction and denial that acknowledging this may cause in some circles), are going to have to be discarded in favor of genuine inclusive intersectionality.  Secondly, because the white working class’ relative lack of identity-based oppression forces discussion of its condition to confront the realities of capitalism in a direct rather than mediated fashion.  It’s not oppressed because it’s white or any other characteristic, it’s oppressed because it’s made of workers.  Finally, because the awkwardness of discussing identity creates a dynamic where, although white workers are not oppressed by race, the dialogue around every other race receiving special rhetorical attention can cause them to perceive themselves to be left behind, which is especially dangerous in an environment of austerity when all workers do have real legitimate grievances.

However it is definitely time to replace or at the very least supplement the rhetoric of the white working class with that of a multiracial working class, or intersectional working class.

There is no reason not to do this.  Using the rhetoric of the multiracial working class, or the intersectional working class, allows us to take back intersectionality from the neoliberal, corporate, and Democratic Party vampires who have abused and stolen it from the class struggle Left.  It rightfully belongs to us.

The racial struggle against police and the class struggle are now literally inseparable.

We cannot overthrow the police without overthrowing capitalism.

If police are the modern-day slave patrol, then we must overthrow the modern-day plantation system that employs them.  The modern-day plantation system that employs them is the capitalist workplace.

The police draw their salaries from the state, and the state relies upon the orderly functioning of the capitalist economy to fund itself.

It is only when we seize the economic power in the workplaces, to control the flow of goods and services in society, and disrupt or replace the state that employs the police, such that police are no longer sure that they have a salary to rely upon, that the modern day slave patrol disintegrates.

You can beat back the slave patrol temporarily with a crowd.  Crowds have to dissipate because people have to go back to work.  But if you turn workplaces themselves into bases of revolution, you can gain permanent proletarian control over the contested public spaces in which conflicts with police arise.

We can reclaim the working class from Trump’s bigoted white caricature of it.  We can reclaim the oppressed from the Democrats’ reductive corporatist exploitation of them.  We have to do this in the same breath, literally in the same noun, the same term, because Trump thrives on our decoherence, he thrives on us having to dance and juggle and balance between two different things and always getting the emphasis wrong, because it can never be perfect.  We need radical coherence to the extent of concentrating into a single focused point.  The only answer that can be expressed in a single answer is the intersectional working class, the multiracial working class.

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